A photograph from The Empire of the Eagle: An Illustrated Natural History, by Mike Unwin and David Tipling, which celebrates the world’s 68 eagle species in all their magnificence and beguiling diversity. These Steller’s sea eagles are found in eastern Russia, the north-western Pacific coast and Japan and have a conservation status of ‘vulnerable’.
In October 2017, Vermont-based Migrant Justice scored a major victory in the organization’s campaign to extend labor protections to undocumented farmworkers in the state. After years of public action and lobbying, they reached an agreement with Ben & Jerry’s that established basic labor standards at the farms supplying dairy products to the company. Those standards included one day off a week, a minimum wage of $10 per hour, and accommodations that included electricity and running water — a milestone for farmworkers’ rights in Vermont. For many Migrant Justice organizers, who were themselves undocumented and had worked long hours in those dairy farms, the victory was personal.
But while Migrant Justice’s organizers were celebrating their victory, according to a lawsuit filed this week by a coalition that includes the ACLU of Vermont, Immigration and Customs Enforcement was carrying out a targeted operation to arrest and deport them. Using tactics that law enforcement agencies typically employ to disrupt organized crime, the lawsuit alleges that ICE agents planted at least one informant in Migrant Justice, attempted to hack into the email accounts of the group’s members, and compiled detailed dossiers on their movements and social circles.* And ICE had an eager partner in those efforts — the Vermont Department of Motor Vehicles.
In 2013, Migrant Justice played a critical role in the passage of Vermont’s Driver Privilege Card law, which allowed undocumented immigrants to obtain legal driving permits. But a public-records request filed by the ACLU revealed that DMV officials systematically passed the private information of applicants for those permits directly to ICE, even in cases where ICE agents hadn’t asked for it. Email correspondence obtained in the request show DMV workers using racist language to describe those applicants, referring to “South of the Border” names and in one case lamenting that the state was being “over run by immigrants.”
ICE agents used the information they obtained from the Vermont DMV to track down Migrant Justice organizers who’d played critical roles in the group’s labor rights campaigning. According to the lawsuit, since early 2016 at least 20 Migrant Justice members were arrested by ICE, including the four plaintiffs in the suit. ICE agents referenced the group’s activism during some of those arrests, warning that other Migrant Justice organizers would be “next.” In other cases, agents indicated knowledge of the location and time of private meetings for Migrant Justice members that they could only have gained through intensive surveillance.
“The individuals in the complaint were targeted for political repression in retaliation for their constitutionally protected activity,” said Lia Ernst, a staff attorney with the ACLU of Vermont.
The lawsuit describes ICE agents tracking the movements of Migrant Justice organizers through a combination of surveillance operations, social media data mining, and DMV records. Leaders of the group were targeted since at least 2014, despite the Department of Homeland Security policy that supposedly prioritized enforcement against immigrants with serious criminal records. Two of the plaintiffs in the case, Enrique Balcazar Sanchez and Zully Palacios Rodriguez, were labeled “high-profile targets” by ICE, despite having no criminal record of any kind. Both were highly visible activists in Migrant Justice’s campaign to organize farmworkers.
Most of America’s 9,000 7-Eleven stores are owned by franchisees, many
of them immigrants; the owners’ contracts with 7-Eleven corporate allows
the company to pull their franchises if they violate US law.
The current CEO of 7-Eleven is Joe DePinto, a West Point grad who got
the job in 2005 and has spent his tenure slowly tightening the screw on
franchisees, demanding business practices that return more profit to
corporate HQ at the expense of the independent operators. As the
franchisees have felt the sting, they’ve fought back, suing the company
over DePinto’s policies.
DePinto has become legendary for his dirty tricks campaign to get rid of
his least-favored franchisees, from hiring private eyes to making
secret recordings.
Now the franchisees allege that DePinto has started snitching on his own
franchisees to ICE, directing government immigration raids against
7-Eleven stores. If these franchise owners are found to have illegally
hired undocumented immigrants, DePinto can cancel their franchise
agreements and kick them out of the business and take over their stores.
The evidence is circumstantial and 7-Eleven denies it, but ICE’s raids
on 7-Eleven stores have targeted owners who have made trouble for the
company.
Lilian Calderon told her daughter not to worry, that she would be coming right back. Calderon and her husband, Luis, had an interview they couldn’t miss at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services in Rhode Island Jan. 17.
All they had to do was prove their marriage was legitimate, the first step on a long path toward a green card. They brought family photographs, their children’s birth certificates and their marriage documents. Luis was a U.S. citizen. Calderon was undocumented. She had been brought to the United States illegally from Guatemala when she was 3.
The interviews were quick and painless. Calderon’s included “football banter,” she said.
But then ICE showed up — and it was quickly clear to Calderon that she would not be returning home to her daughter.
The 30-year-old mother of two wound up handcuffed and then detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement for nearly a month, capturing the attention of the ACLU and leading to a class-action lawsuit over what attorneys have described as a “cruel bait and switch” arrest operation. According to emails between federal officials unsealed in federal court documents this week, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services had been coordinating with ICE to alert the agency when certain immigrants eligible for deportation showed up at the CIS office for routine interviews.
The ACLU of Massachusetts is accusing the agencies of conspiring to “trap” unsuspecting immigrants on a path toward legal permanent residency by inviting them to these interviews only for ICE to arrest them there. This happened to at least 17 people in 2018 including Calderon, although only 13 qualify as members of the class, according to the lawsuit. The ACLU argues this violates their rights to due process and the Immigration Nationality Act, among other things, for detaining the immigrants before they’ve had a chance to complete the process for seeking legal status.
“The government created this path for them to seek a green card,” Matthew Segal, legal director of the ACLU of Massachusetts, told the Associated Press. “The government can’t create that path and then arrest folks for following that path.”
ICE’s Boston field office spokesman, John Mohan, said in a statement Wednesday morning that any allegations of “inappropriate coordination” between the agencies were “unfounded.”
“This routine coordination within the Department of Homeland Security, not unlike the cooperative efforts we maintain with many other federal partners, is lawful and legitimate in the work we do to uphold our nation’s immigration laws,” Mohan said.
Emails between the agencies released Tuesday show USCIS employees scheduling interviews with certain married couples or other family members around ICE agents’ availability. When immigrants and their spouses or family members showed up, USCIS employees would alert ICE. If ICE agents were running late, ICE would ask USCIS to reschedule the interviews to accommodate them…
Typically, he wrote, CIS would send ICE a list of immigrants seeking to schedule interviews. CIS would flag immigrants who were subject to final removal orders, who had illegally reentered the country or who were “egregious criminal aliens.” ICE would then vet the potential arrest targets and respond to CIS with a list of immigrants it wanted to arrest during their interviews.
“CIS completes the interview while our officers are en route,” Graham explained in the Jan. 30 email.
“In my opinion,” he added, “it makes sense for us to arrest aliens with final removal orders as they represent the end of the line in the removal process. They are typically the easiest to remove, they have the shortest average length of stay, and at the end of the day we are in the removal business and it’s our job to locate and arrest them.”
In Calderon’s case, she had been subject to a final order of removal since 2002, when her father’s application for asylum was denied. She was 15. Her path to legal permanent residency was enhanced in 2016, however, because a change in USCIS regulations allowed people subject to final removal orders to still apply for a green card without being forced to leave the country.
Previously, immigrants subject to removal orders were typically forced to return to their home countries for 10 years before they were eligible to return legally. Now, immigrants can apply for a waiver if they can show that leaving the United States for a long period of time would create “extreme hardship” for their family. The purpose of the change in USCIS rules was to eliminate or shorten prolonged family separation, which could have serious negative effects on the immigrants’ U.S. citizen children and spouses, the federal government said then.
But the ICE arrest operation at USCIS offices defeats the purpose of this benefit, the ACLU contends.
“In effect, the government’s one hand beckons Petitioners forward, and its other hand grabs them,” attorneys wrote in the class-action complaint, filed in April.
A hearing on the federal government’s motion to dismiss the lawsuit is scheduled for Monday.
In its case, the ACLU alleges that what happened to couples like Calderon and her husband are a direct result of agencies interpreting President Donald Trump’s January 2017 executive order on immigration law enforcement.
Monday’s filing also includes the transcript of a deposition by Rebecca Adducci, an interim field office director for ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations in Burlington, who was temporarily working in the Boston field office for two months this year. In her deposition, she states that Trump’s January 2017 executive order on immigration law enforcement “permits” the arrest of anyone with final orders of removal, regardless of whether they’re pursuing citizenship or married to a US citizen at the time.
“These are all factors that should be considered when making a decision on whether or not to conduct an enforcement action,” she said at the July 26 deposition. “But the policy, the executive order, I’m sorry, doesn’t address that issue.”
“Why don’t undocumented immigrants just try to get legal?”
Well, they aren’t allowed to most of the time, but now, even in the cases where they are, the government is going out of its way to try and deport them before they can complete the legal process necessary to do so.
Urocyon's Jaunts 2.0 
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